cratic spirit of our mountains and our valleys, where the Victoria image-however it may be reflected from the great cities and great sores as they were called by Jefferson of the country, won't stay stamped; it would not be too much to say that such excess of it would, in time, extend to far more hurtful innovations, than these miserable mimicries of fashion and her votaries.

Speaking of the prevalence of this Queen-mania, and the dangerous tendency of these anti-republican tastes and predilections in non-essentials, to form in time a tone of mind inclined to view the political institutions of monarchy with a portion of the favorable regards awarded so indiscriminately to every thing in fashion that bears its impress-we are painfully startled as we write with intelligence that looks very much as if this Victoria feeling had penetrated farther than the columns of a few tory newspapers, and been developed in a more serious manifestation of its power, than the giving its name to a fancy soap, a pocket-handkerchief, or a bonnet. It is the intelligence that Mackenzie, the Canadian exile, has been sentenced to an imprisonment of eighteen months in an American jail by an American judge and jury, for following the instinct of his nature in resisting to the uttermost a bloody and ferocious tyranny, which drove him and thousands of others, who like him sighed for the blessings of republican liberty, from their country with fire and sword, that they might the more securely plunder and oppress it. We do not know any thing of the circumstances under which he was convicted, and what was the particular aggravation in his case that consigned this able, intrepid and industrious man to a dungeon. We have no doubt that he sinned according to the statute, or this felon's fate would not have been meted out to him; but having been taught in our political catechism, that resistance to tyrants is obedience to God, we are inclined, on the first blush of the transaction and in default of better information, to consider this the most painful judicial sentence since the time of Adams; and one that will grate most harshly on the sympathies and wishes of every lover of freedom. As we said before, we know nothing of the character of Mr. Mackenzie's offence. If he abused the hospitality he received from the institutions of this country by endangering its national peace, through the ill-planned, ill-timed and utterly useless expeditions, eventuating their own destruction, which so long excited our Canadian frontier, then we say he deserved any penalty our laws may attach to such grave offences, because he most assuredly mistrusted his own cause, and misunderstood as well as betrayed his own position in substituting these weak and wicked experiments of force for the irresistible moral power of truth and reason which he was wielding with a slower but far more certain energy through the press. And on the other hand, if that alone was the offence for which this exiled patriot has been fined and imprisoned, then we say the law is one equally partial and tyrannic which deals out such a barbarous and repulsive punishment on one solitary individual for an offence participated by thousands, and originating in a feeling wide as our whole land-deepened in the particular districts, where the crime was co-extensive with the population, with that unanimous enthusiasm against wrong which was once with signal force characterized on the bench as a "BLESSED SPIRIT"-when it at the same time took no cognizance of the far more powerful efforts in the same cause which this Mackenzie was uninterruptedly making through the press;-efforts a thousand times more dangerous to the power of Britain, than all the wretched and criminal expeditions undertaken so rashly and so needlessly, that they immeasurably strengthened the hands of the power they were designed to overthrow. To finish with Mackenzie's trial, the Ontario Messenger (as we find it in the Globe) presents the following "contrast," which is one that cannot fail to strike the reader, and to create some wonder why it is that of all the multitudinous offenders against the neutrality laws, Mackenzie, a poor and persecuted refugee, should be the only one brought to trial and convicted:

THE CONTRAST. The men who invaded our land, to burn the Caroline and murder American citizens, are not only permitted to walk the soil of Britain, without rebuke, but the minions of the British Monarchy even honor them for their nefarious deed. While a man who has for twenty years been struggling to advance the cause of human liberty and human happiness, fleeing to us for help against the enemies of that cause, finds himself ar rested by our laws, adjudged guilty of crime, and doomed to be incarcerated, like a common felon, within the gloomy walls of a prison!

But to return to our subject. Here is the letter:

Messrs. EDITORS: I lately left my native town in the country with the intention of spending a day in Philadelphia, and for that purpose I took the steamer Robert Morris at Wilmington. When I landed at Dock street wharf I fancied I was in some city in the English dominions. The moment I landed on terra firma I espied a large placard posted on a wall at a corner of a street; it ran as follows: "The splendid painting of Her Majesty Queen Victoria still continues open at the Masonic Hall." I walked a little further on, when I stopped opposite a fashionable barber's shop; at the window, among other articles, was a variety of hair brushes, with portraits of "Her Most Gracious Majesty" on them. I was very much surprised to see this, but, on turning the corner, I noticed the words "Her Majesty Queen Victoria" in very prominent characters, and found out that it was a recommendation of some tooth powder, because she patronized it. I entered the Exchange the first thing I saw was a bust of Her Majesty standing on the mantelpiece. I walked out, and doubted in my own mind whether the days of old had not returned, and we were yet bowing beneath the sceptre of England. I strolled up Chesnut street-saw at an auction store some Yankee clocks for sale, with a Victoria portrait for an ornament. I stopped at a perfumer's to purchase something in his line-saw some "Queen Victoria soap, composed expressly for the coronation." After having made a few purchases, I crossed the street, and, at a hat store, in Bank Place, saw some "Victoria riding hats," and an engraving of "Her Majesty mounted on a white charger, airing herself in Windsor Park, on Friday, September the eighth, 1838, at twenty-seven minutes past ten o'clock, A. M." I walked on, and stopped at a cigar store, where, among other catchpennies, saw "Victoria canes," "Victoria riding whips," &c. Kept on, and was opposite a dry goods store, where "Victoria lace," "Victoria muslin," and "Victoria gloves," were for sale: continued my walk, and saw a great crowd opposite a bonnet store-thought somebody was hurt-asked what the matter was, and found that the true "Victoria shape" was to be seen there. I walked on and met a man with a tray on his head, full of plaster images, among which "Her Majesty's" bust was very prominent. Passed the Masonic Hall, where "Her Majesty is for exhibition." Whilst I was reading a transparency, standing on the pavement, something was thrust in my face, and a cry at the same time announced, "Buy a Ledger, Genius, Times," and something else; I got the two first. On opening the Ledger, the latest news from England was, "the Queen was in perfect health." In the Genius there was a notice of an old woman who sold "Victoria bean-soup." I had now walked a mile. Crossing Tenth street, I saw a muslin transparency with "Sully's Victoria-last day," painted on it. I stopped to look into a music store. There was the "Victoria grand march," the "Victoria quadrilles," &c., &c. When I had feasted my eyes on the many fine ornamental instruments of music, &c., I heard a mournful noise: turning round, a poor ragged urchin wished me to purchase a paper of pins. I did so, and put them in my pocket, having first noticed that they were patronized by "Her Majesty Queen Victoria." I could bear this no longer; I went down into an oyster cellar, got something to eat, and walked as fast as I could to the wharf; there was no boat to go until the next day, so I had to go to the "Victoria," formerly "Baltimore House," where I went to bed, and fell into an uneasy slumber. At day-light I got up and went down to the wharf, and got on board the ste mboat as well as I could. Saw a fine brig with the English ensign flying. "What is her name?" said I; "O," said a little boy, "that's the Victoria." I turned my head away, and saw a man coming up to me with a very mysterious air; he commenced telling me that he was a poor man, and was obliged to sell a few trifles, as he was palsied, and could not work. "Well, what have you got?" said I. He had a little basket with him, which he opened, and drew out a puff of "Queen Victoria's Family Pills;" this capped the climax of Victorias. I got a box out of pure compassion, and they, like most other pills, turned out to be a mere shave. The time drew near to start, the last bell rung, the hawsers were taken in, and I took my leave from Phila delphia-but think that the name of Victoria-delphia should be given it. A. D. F.

THE PRESIDENT AND THE PEOPLE.

The President intends spending the summer months in his native State, and has left this city for that purpose, traversing the rich farming section of Pennsylvania on his way. It is one of the most gratifying signs of the times, in connection with the great struggle for the final and decisive disconnection of the Federal Government from all "entangling alliance" with the broking, banking, and stock-jobbing interests, which have so often degraded it and convulsed the land, and its restoration to the simple principles of Republican Democracy, which, commenced under his auspices, is now agitating the whole Union-that all the power, strength, ingenuity and hatred of the immense party interested to their very existence in opposition to this policy, have not availed to fix upon the public mind any portion of the calumny and aspersion, with which they have pursued himself and this grand measure from its first promulgation. No President of the United States ever stood in a higher position than Mr. Van Buren at present occupies before the country. The financial policy of his Administration was met with a storm of clamour and vituperation, the most furious and withering that Faction had ever raised; -repelled with every mark of studied insult and contumely from Congress, it went before the people in the last resort, and for two years has now been discussed with an ability, earnestness, and force of argument on either side, that have never been surpassed; and, as a consequence, has won friends and silenced enemies in every quarter of the Union, until it is now left in acknowledged possession of the field of argument, and looked to, universally, by a majority of the people, as the surest, safest, and most speedy remedy of the deep-seated commercial disorders which have so long been preying on the vitals of the country. It is one of the noblest political victories ever achieved.

Not less strikingly successful have been the other measures of his Administration. The peace of the country preserved its honor vindicated; faction rebuked, and the constitution preserved; the supremacy of the laws maintained, and every measure regulated by an undeviating adherence to the simple, transparent principles of Democratic Republicanism;-these have been distinguishing traits of his policy, and they have fixed his name in the affections of his countrymen, and already elevated it as a banner under which to rally as a certain talisman of success in the great struggle for the continuation of that policy, and the preservation of those principles, which will take place in the Presidential election of 1840. The people have found him faithful in his high trust to his first principles, and his most violent enemies even themselves confessed, when the imminence of national peril allowed them no subterfuge, and admitted of no retreat, the shameless groundlessness of their daily charges. At that perilous hour, with one act and voice they placed the destiny of the country in his hands-for war or for peace-investing him in unshared responsibility with power never accorded to a President before, and placing in his hands, without a check, unstinted millions of the treasure, which their speeches and their prints accused him of attempting to plunder, or possess himself of for the basest purposes. This reluctant tribute to his character and his trust-worthiness, wrung from reluctant faction, had the effect that might have been expected; and the grateful welcome of his native State, already swelling into a noble enthusiasm of popular development, will put to rest, finally and effectually, the last surviving slander of his foes.

But the policy and the character of Mr. Van Buren have been drawn, in so masterly a manner, by a hand truly capable of delineating them with accuracy, and with so many happy touches of eloquence and philosophical discrimination, in the following speech by Mr. Ingersoll, that we gladly embrace the present opportunity, which we have long sought, of placing it in our pages, not merely as a merited compliment to the President, but as a distinguished specimen of just, elegant, and profound delineation of character.

I cannot forbear to mention that there is reason to believe that a bosom friend of the President, a gentleman of great purity of character and superiority of intelligence, now by voluntary and honorable resignation no longer a member of his Cabinet, was his chief confidential adviser in this admirable appeal to popular virtue, intelligence, and independence. They both knew that there was no hope for it but in the very people, a few well-informed men of property, and the many men of industrious independence, who live without connection with banks, or regarding the increase of their store as the greatest good. It was hardly to be expected that victory would be so soon now as it seems to be. But it appears that the mass understands and appreciates a principle so just, so simple; and after a year's elucidation, by dint of sharp controversy, become so familiar that nearly every unprejudiced person is now its advocate, women and all, and more than all. The ebb of opposition, with all its noisy rush, is nearly out: the tide of majorities is constantly setting in, from Maine, one of the first to go and to return, to unchangeable Missouri; State after State, from North to South, rallying to the rescue of an Executive, only asking the country to support a plan which surrenders vast Executive influence, by merely disconnecting Government funds from private speculation, collecting them in good money, and managing them without the interference of corporations. All the South feels its rights restored by it; and all the North will find that justice to the South is benefit to the North. Mr. Van Buren's taking high ground against reckless abolition, was another master stroke of Union. I will not say that his administration of our foreign affairs has been as satisfactory as in these its leading domestic measures, by which he has proved himself to be a man of the first class, made of that stuff which Mr. Adams thought was not in his nature, qualified to govern a great nation, and in whose sagacity, wisdom and firmness, not only a party, but a community may place full reliance. I confess that I do not approve of his policy with regard to the Canadian troubles, though I do him the justice to own that he has much better opportunities of knowing what ought to be done than I can pretend to; and I respect his deep-rooted aversion to war and anxious desire to preserve peace with a nation whose connections are so intimate with ours. Still with all deference, it seems to me that the United States cannot be expected to maintain an army on the St. Lawrence, at great expense, to prevent Americans from sympathising with their neighbors in a cause just like their own, and that after the outrage at Schlosser it is very bad policy to be so forbearing.

Another difficult principle of Democracy much favored in the Middle and Northern States, his adhesion to which was doubted during the first few months of his quiet administration, Mr. Van Buren has carried into full effect with exemplary propriety. I mean the principle of rotation in office, which Penn, Jefferson, and all other patriarchs, as well as the philosophy of Republican Government, inculcates as one of its fundamental regulations. I believe I am warranted by the truth in declaring that Mr. Van Buren has in no instance arbitrarily removed an individual from office, while he was faithfully administering the laws which vacate offices at terms of years, by the appointment of fresh incumbents; which is the true principle of rotation. In his appointments likewise he appears to have considered himself a trustee to the public will, not at liberty to gratify any capricious predilections or aversions. His selections of men have been made with praiseworthy anxiety for public good and approbation, looking to public fitness and private worth; and the promotion which he has bestowed on many of those distinguished for literary and intellectual attainments, reflects a credit on his Administration that will last, besides being a policy that secures the best support in time of need, and makes provision for historical vindication. It is not doing justice to his Administration to forget that it inherited much of his predecessor's, so that the present President, with his forbearing prepossessions, is hardly yet at perfect liberty.

It forms no part of my purpose to compare the President with his competitors, without reference to whom Mr. Van Buren has proved himself eminently worthy and capable of the Chief Magistracy. Many will not approve of his Administration under any circumstances. But those who put him at the head of the country have found him a man of talents, principle, sincerity, decision and firmness, under whose government the United States are prosperous, and advancing, by simple institutions, to their great destiny; the Union is safe; republican institutions are flourishing; our foreign relations are conducted by a sincere lover of peace, who will, nevertheless, we trust, maintain the honor of the greatest republican empires; and our internal concerns are settling upon that basis of true political economy which all modern intelligence and experience attests as the broadest and best. Mr. Van Buren has

* This was spoken before the occurrence of the Maine Boundary troubles.

not General Jackson's personal popularity; he never will have it. But though no victory has ennobled or veto illustrated his career, he is the author of the greatest reform attempted in this country, and a pilot who has weathered many a storm more fearful than battle. His personal deportment has been so unexceptionable, that he has probably not made an enemy, while Mr. Clay, in Senate, is his personal eulogist; and his friends have reason to be gratified with his conduct. All considerate and dispassionate Americans must acknowledge the sterling merits of his personal Chief Magistracy, which has disarmed opposition of most of its materials, as his measures have dissipated the elements of panic and excitement on which it throve. Calm but unfaltering, deferential yet inflexible adherence to principle, with dignity, both personal and official, he has engaged the attention, the consideration, and the approval of an increasing majority of the people, on whose intelligence and virtue he cast anchor. The worst is over, much sooner than might have been expected. The President put his Administration on an issue which many of his real, and all of his pretended, adherents considered fatal to him. But he has proved the wisest. Even if he had fallen it would have been with honor untarnished, and a good conscience to repose upon afterwards. But he has risen; he has succeeded; he will succeed; and Democracy now owes him a large debt of acknowledgment.

This is not the language of flattery, or solicitation, but of a calm, watchful, and even critical observer, anxious indeed for Mr. Van Buren's well-doing, but determined, and always ready to denounce him if necessary. It is vindication offered less for him than to the Democratic interest with which his Administration is identified, whose cohesion it is meant to cherish; not for the man, but for the measures of which he is the representative. It is contradiction of indiscriminate opposition, and discriminating support of the Administration, such as I deem the true ground of an independent American.

It is right to form a proper estimate of the talents, disposition, and qualifications of an individual with whose character as Chief Magistrate that of the country altogether, and the fate of republican institutions, is intimately connected. General Jackson filled so large a space in universal attention by his immense popularity, founded on military renown, civic distinction, and heroic temper, encouraging him to undertake and enabling him to achieve great exploits, that it would be trying to any man to follow such a predecessor. Mr. Van Buren announced his resolution to carry out the measures of the Jackson administration, concerning all of which he was no doubt confidently advised with when suggested, and many of which, it is supposed, he suggested himself. But in his inaugural address he gave it to be understood that ways of pleasantness and paths of peace are those he prefers. He made no promise to try to change his nature; but with that unassuming good sense, which is one of his principal characteristics, acknowledged the difference between General Jackson and himself; and accordingly has never attempted to imitate the man, while effectuating his measures. With similar principles, their manner of enforcing them has been entirely different. It remains to be seen whether Mr. Van Buren's mild, forbearing, quiet, and deferential, but tenacious mode of doing things, will not prove a surer way than the more conspicuous energy of his illustrious forerunner in the race of Democratic reforms. The beauty and strength of Mr. Van Buren's position is his unquestionable sincerity. We all feel that he is not attempting measures to which he has been converted, but pursuing a system to which he was uniformly attached. Brought up in the midst of what has been called the Albany Regency, he has always been perfectly pure of all lucrative designs, with which party rancor has never taxed him, and seems to be admirably fitted for contending with a great money power by his independence of it as a man of competent fortune honorably acquired; never a money-seeker, and having, at all times, while associated with many of its greatest votaries, kept himself entirely unspotted by that world. The Chief Magistracy of this vast Union has become a most complicated and difficult task; but, in addition to its great labors and perplexities, it was Mr. Van Buren's lot to encounter, at the outset of his Administration, obstacles, embarrassments, and even misfortunes, much severer than those experienced by any preceding President. During the first few months of his Chief Magistracy many began to be uneasy. Washington, with the organization of the Federal Government-Jefferson, with the civil revolution he headed, and the maritime troubles he could not get the better of, but left to his successor-Madison, at war with the greatest enemy we could have-Jackson, uprooting the deep-seated internal improvement system, settling the tariff, and making head against the Bank of the United States-had none of them difficulties to cope with equal to those which beset Mr. Van Buren in the suspension of specie payments, hostility of a thousand banks, and contrivances of their millions of debtors