the two countries are far from alike; and it is no disparagement to Ireland to say that a people ages behind England in civilization and the use of freedom are not necessarily entitled to claim the same constitutional rights and privileges. The question is not, as is idly alleged, that Ireland ought to enjoy in every respect the polity of the more advanced country; it is that Ireland should receive justice, that the amending hand should seek to remove, as far as possible, her remaining grievances; but that this should be done in the general interest, and without injury to the State as a whole. Taking this, the only secure position, we rejoice to say that on the question of the hour, so far as Ireland is concerned in it, we altogether agree with the Government, and think that the county and borough franchise of Ireland should be largely extended in the same direction as those of England. This is one of the cases in which we may assimilate the laws of the two countries without apprehending an evil result; and to refuse the change would be simply unjust, and would probably lead to serious mischief. A special reason exists also why the franchise in Ireland should be made much broader: this would give a constitutional status and voice to the important class of rural Irish labourers, at present in a depressed state, and scarcely represented in the House of Commons; and it would increase the divisions of the National League,' for while Mr. Davitt demands the reform, the 'Irish Party,' as is well known, are not sincerely desirous of it. This would be a clear and undoubted gain; and, besides, it would be of high moment to emancipate this mass of distress and serfdom from the domination of the tenant farmers, the real adherents of Mr. Parnell, and to create an interest distinct from them. The extension of the Irish franchise, however, must lead to a redistribution of seats, and generally of political power; and in this matter we confidently hope the rule of justice will be strictly followed. It is not perhaps of extreme importancethough we entertain a clear view on the subject-whether Ireland should or should not retain the existing number of her representatives; whether these be 90 or 103 will not largely affect the national interests. But political arithmetic distinctly proves that a considerable number of the small. boroughs in the Southern Provinces should be disfranchised, and the seats transferred to more populous centres; and it can be no objection to a change of this kind that it would diminish the strength of the Irish Party,' and give more representatives to the law-abiding classes. If, in treating this matter, justice be done, we cannot regret a fortunate accident;

and justice should be done without the least regard to the influence or the clamour of faction.

A

The extension, however, of the Irish franchise will not be felt in its full results for certainly a considerable time, and the condition of the Irish rural labourer can only be bettered by slow degrees. A reform perhaps of greater importance in another direction has to be next considered. 'Home Rule,' as we have said, is impossible in the sense of making a 'Nationalist' Parliament supreme over the affairs of the country; but, to save a very great delay and expense, Irish legislation of a private kind might well, we think, be despatched in Dublin. Unquestionably, too, if the Southern Provinces would send to Westminster a class of men very different from the 'Irish Party,' men who felt respect for the British connection, and were not noisy and reckless demagogues, it might be advisable that Irish business should be conducted in the Imperial Parliament by a Grand Committee of Irish members; and the decisions of the majority of these would usually be accepted as final. A change like this, however, is at present hopeless; and England must continue to direct and control Irish legislation and the Irish government until the Southern constituencies regain their senses. reform, nevertheless, is even now possible, and ought, we think, to be gradually carried out in the local administration of affairs in Ireland; though we need not say we do not concur in the wild views purposely put forward by the 'Irish Party' on this subject. We cannot expect that Ireland should receive the local franchises and the full measure of local selfgovernment enjoyed by England; the one country is so far behind the other in almost every particular that no comparison can be justly made; and we cannot forget that many local bodies possessing power in the South of Ireland have identified themselves with the 'National League,' and openly parade anti-British sentiments. Still, vestiges of the old ascendency of class even now remain in the whole system of local administration that prevails in Ireland: the government of counties is practically in the hands of the owners of land and their dependents even in its most subordinate parts; the franchise of corporations is narrow; the governing bodies of towns and Poor Law Boards are limited by somewhat narrow restrictions; and it is so important to remove these evils that we advocate a more liberal scheme, and a cautious extension of popular rights, though conscious of the undoubted risk. For the rest it is worse than idle to say that the central government of Ireland can be largely changed. We have dwelt upon

this topic before, but something possibly may be done to make its administration more broad and popular; and we rejoice to observe that a real effort is being made to bring the county magistracy more in sympathy with the mass of the people. Finally, there is still room for no small improvement in the educational system of Ireland; and this is a matter of great importance, for sound knowledge and good moral training are the real elements of popular progress. We certainly think an attempt should be made to raise the status of the great body of teachers entrusted with the task of imparting the rudiments of education throughout Ireland. This important class, as is well known, is ill-paid and full of discontent; it has given Fenianism not a few recruits; and it is dangerous in the extreme that in its present state it should form the minds of the youth of the nation.

The reforms we suggest appear trifling compared to Irish 'Nationalist' demands; but they complete, we think, what justice requires, without imperilling the welfare of the State. Beyond these limits we would not go, in the existing condition, at least, of Ireland. It is high time to inform the dupes and ignorant supporters of the 'Irish Party' that agitation is not omnipotent, and that fanciful illusions must be abandoned. This, in truth, is not a propitious season for Irish reforms of any sort; the island still reels under a social revolution, and the excitable population of the Southern Provinces have been so fed by extravagant hopes, that they have become to a great extent demoralized. The first need of Ireland at this conjuncture assuredly is a firm Executive; this is required to maintain order by no means completely restored, to revive credit almost destroyed in many of the relations of social life, to assure the law-abiding classes of Ireland that their lives and rights will not be molested, to punish severely outrage and crime, and, finally, to make landed property in some degree secure; and though reform ought not to be wholly neglected, strong government is even more essential. This certainly is not a pleasing prospect; but, as we have said, the state of Ireland can be viewed only with grave misgivings, and is destined to give us trouble for years. On this point there ought to be no doubt; the disorders of Ireland are inveterate, and it is simply foolish and a disregard of history to think they will yield to speedy remedies. Meanwhile it becomes the duty of Englishmen seriously to consider the Irish Question from a point of view in which they ought to see how the institutions they justly cherish, nay, the Empire itself, are affected by it. A conspiracy, as we have said, exists for the purpose of wresting

Three Theories of Life.

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Ireland from the control of England, and its authors boast they will compass their ends by paralyzing the action of the House of Commons, and by disturbing the whole course of government. It would be untrue to deny that in some measure they have succeeded in this unprincipled game; and as the Irish Party' will probably command nearly eighty votes in the next Parliament, its leaders assert that in a few months they will hold in their hands the balance of parties, and will be able to dictate their own terms to England. The way, and the only way, to baffle a plot, audacious, no doubt, but ably directed; to restore to Parliament its just authority; and to save these kingdoms from a real danger, is that our two great political parties, for the time sinking all minor differences, should cordially unite to put down an intrigue already injurious, and which might become most. perilous. The country expects that its leading men will do their duty in this matter; and if England be but true to herself, we need not fear the ultimate issue.

ART. II.-Three Theories of Life: Utilitarianism, Pessimism, Christianity.

As an object of attention and study, nothing is so interesting to man as his own life. The phenomena and laws presented to our notice by material things and by inferior creatures have their own attraction for the observant and the inquiring; but the interest they excite is almost purely intellectual. Human life, on the contrary, touches the deepest, sometimes the most sacred feelings, and arouses the keenest sympathies. Few men, even those of the coolest temperament, can consider it without emotion. There is, indeed, a psychology which partakes of the analytical character of ordinary science. when we pass from examining the constituent elements of our nature, and come to trace those elements as they become impulses to action, principles of conduct, factors in moral and social life, then the case is different. We cannot dispense with the passionless process of dissection as practised by the calm student of science; but we must combine with this the interested observation of concrete realities. The student of human nature, character, and conduct studies what he himself actually or potentially shares. Thus ethics enter into the province of the biographer and the historian. When imagination and art are introduced into the treatment

of human life, there emerges the work of the novelist, the dramatist, the poet. The thinker's productions are elevated by the dignity of his theme, are intensified by emotion, are harmonized by a contemplative philosophy.

Human life may be conceived and represented in two different, though not discordant, ways. First, with a view to verisimilitude, and to that peculiar sympathy which verisimilitude excites. It is then, as to its outward circumstances, eventful and picturesque; as to its inward principles, sad or joyful, depressing and disappointing, or exhilarating and inspiring. This is the literary, the poetic, and, to some extent, the homiletic method. But, secondly, life may be contemplated reflectively rather than imaginatively. Thoughtful and serious men, when they look at human life, cannot but ask concerning it such all-important questions as these: Whence comes it? and whither does it tend? How shall we estimate its value? and how use its opportunities? How are we to relate the life of the individual to that of the community? Is there in each man's life a purpose not self-prescribed? Is his life selfcontained as to its aim, or not? Is it, as a unity, a part of a higher, perhaps all-embracing, unity? In other words, has it a religious significance? Can it combine voluntary subordination with a sacred significance and dignity? Is life a gift in which to rejoice? or a burden which must be borne? or a trust which is to be fulfilled ?

These questions are the problems of moral philosophy. This is so, however they may be presented, and sometimes disguised, by different ethical schools, and however they may be necessarily modified in form and appearance by the mental habits, the social conditions, the religious beliefs, of successive ages. They recur to the mind of every generation, and excite anxiety, sometimes distressing anxiety, amongst the reflective. They are questions peculiar to, and distinctive of, man-of man not surely as merely a higher organism, but as a spiritual being, a citizen of the world, a subject of heaven.

The answers given to these questions, when they assume a dogmatic and systematic form, may be designated 'Theories of Life.' To three such theories I would now direct your attention, premising that they are not isolated from one another, but related in a manner which will be apparent as I proceed.

I. One popular theory of human life, in our own country especially, and during the last and present generation, is that form of Hedonism which is known by the awkward and inappropriate name of UTILITARIANISM. Hedonism is the