Its Causes. Principles of Reform.

17

possible, every vestige of the wrongs of the past in the politcal and social life of the nation. These principles, however, we need hardly say, must in their application be made to harmonize with the security of every class of Irishmen; and, especially, they must be kept reconciled with what Englishmen will deem paramount, the unity and integrity of the British Empire.

Approaching the subject, then, from this point of view, let us first consider the demand for 'Home Rule' all but universal in the Southern Provinces, and which will be probably upheld in the next Parliament by nearly eighty votes of the 'Irish Party.' It might be enough to say that the most active and earnest advocates of this immense change are avowedly enemies of the power of England; that by 'Home Rule' they mean that Ireland should be an independent and separate state; and that claims of this kind will never command the serious attention of British statesmen. We wish, however, to argue the question fairly; and as, nominally at least, the demand for 'Home Rule' implies that England shall still retain authority in Ireland for Imperial purposes, that Ireland shall only enjoy self-government with reference to local Irish affairs, and that the two countries shall remain united under the monarchy by a federal tie, we shall deal with the subject on this basis. At the outset we are willing to make concessions to 'Nationalist' views and sentiments which many Englishmen will deem extravagant. We do not fully accept the theory that Ireland, under her 'free' Parliament, made extraordinary and marvellous progress, and was in a halcyon state of content; this is one of the myths of Celtic fancy. The Irish debates from 1782 to 1800 prove that the country was grossly misruled, and that abuses and ills abounded; and we cannot forget that this was the period of the 'United Irishmen' and of a bloody civil war. some improvement was seen at this time; there was a healthy stirring of national life, even in a Parliament wholly composed of a narrow oligarchy of race and sect; and under the influence of self-government, and of an Opposition of conspicuous talents, some good measures were certainly passed, and there was a diminution of the distinctions of class, and of the religious and social passions which have been the last. ing curse, so to speak, of the nation. Unquestionably, too, no one can pretend to justify the means through which the Union was carried; and we will even admit that, not impossibly, had her native Parliament not been extinguished, Ireland might have been ruled since 1800 in some respects

Still

better than she has been from Westminster. Irish grievances, in that event, would have found expression and vent in a local organ moved powerfully by Irish opinion; Catholic emancipation and other reforms might have been carried with less difficulty, and with a truer regard to Irish interests, than has been the case in the Imperial Parliament; and, beyond question, the Assembly at College Green would have been thrown open to all Irishmen, without regard to sect or position. In short, though the régime of an Irish Parliament would certainly have had many serious faults, and would have been beset by all kinds of troubles, still our government of Ireland until very lately has not been so successful or just as to entitle us to assert that a native legislature could not have been on the whole, more fortunate. Finally, we quite allow that it is not impossible to form a constitution, on paper, for Ireland which would reconcile Imperial supremacy with Home Rule in domestic matters, and which in appearance would preserve the monarchy, and even the connexion with England, intact, and yet leave an Irish Parliament free to deal generally with all Irish questions.

Suppose, however, this constitution made, and Ireland launched on the path of self-government, what, in the existing state of the country, would necessarily be the general results? The new Irish Parliament would have no resemblance to the Parliament of 1782-1800, the representatives of a class and sect attached to England by the closest ties; nay, it would have little in common with what that Parliament would have been had there been no Union, and had it been gradually changed and improved. The Irish Parliament of the present time would be mainly a democratic creation; it would embody the aspirations and hopes of ignorant, poor and excitable millions; it would have no traditions and but little knowledge; and the overwhelming majority in the Lower House would be followers of Messrs. Parnell Davitt. The French Legislative Assembly of 1791-92 would be a Conservative Senate compared to it; and probably it would be extremely like the revolutionary and anarchic bodies which from time to time have prevailed in Mexico. What the legislation of this Parliament would be at least what it would try to accomplish-we already know from the 'Irish Party; and probably, indeed, under 'Nationalist' pressure, it would be infinitely more unjust and extravagant. Be this as it may, however, the new House of Commons would certainly insist on passing measures which practically would confiscate landed property by loading it with unfair taxation ;

a

The Question of Home Rule.

19

and we believe it would close the ports of Ireland to the manufactures of England and Scotland, in the supposed interest of native industry.' These, too, would be its first essays only; it would soon attempt so to deal with the land as either to make the occupiers the sole owners, or to 'nationalize 'it according to Mr. Davitt's views; and, in either case, we need scarcely say the existing proprietors would, even on paper, receive a nominal compensation only. Meanwhile, proposals would be pressed to change every local institution of Ireland summarily; and nothing would be left undone to secure the absolute ascendency of the 'popular' party in the government of counties, in corporate bodies, in the numerous boards that possess authority. The administrative acts of this House of Commons, too, would be of a piece with its legislative schemes, and probably would be even more significant. Controlling as it would the ministers of the Crown in Ireland, and being able to dictate to the Irish Executive, it would peremptorily demand that the whole system of 'Castle' government should be forthwith abolished; that the official class in Ireland should be at once dismissed; that the existing magistracy should be driven from the bench; that, in a word, the depositaries of power and authority should be expelled from their present places; and, with equal vehemence, it would claim as a right that every department of the administration of Ireland should be filled with Nationalists' and 'men of the people.'

An Irish House of Lords, we need hardly say, could not coexist with this state of affairs; the Irish Party,' indeed, have already proposed to place in its stead an elective Senate dependent upon a popular suffrage. This difficulty, however, having been removed, let us see what results would probably follow the policy and acts of the 'Home Rule' Parliament. The Imperial Government, being willing to give the new experiment the fullest scope, might possibly not interpose its veto to the measures of which we have traced the outline; and in that event there would simply be a 'general overturn' of the Irish community-for property would be violently destroyed; trade would be paralyzed and credit stopped; there would be no security in the relations of life; and, above all, the upper and middle classes would be subjected under the 'Nationalist' régime to a universal and most hateful tyranny. The minority, however, in the Southern Provinces, and a majority of the sturdy people of Ulster, always sternly opposed to the 'Home Rule' programme, and then robbed, ill-treated, and wronged, would assuredly rise up against this

state of things; the scenes of 1641 and 1690 would very probably be again witnessed; and a furious agitation and a great social outbreak would indisputably be the very least consequence. It would be impossible but that the Imperial Government should intervene to preserve order-English public opinion would compel the step; and the ultimate result, we may confidently say, would be that, after a brief contest, Irish 'Nationalism' would be put down by force, the Assembly at College Green suppressed, and Ireland virtually again conquered. On the other hand, it is more likely that the ministers of the Crown at Westminster, regard being had to the revolutionary schemes and attitude of the Home Rule' Parliament, would interfere at once to prevent them, and would peremptorily veto the confiscation of the land, the abolition of free trade in Ireland, the annihilation of the official classes, and especially the institution of a grinding despotism on the necks of the loyal people of Ireland; and, in that case, what once more would follow? The Nationalist' majority in the Irish Parliament would vehemently clamour that English tyranny was putting an end to Irish liberty;' that the 'constitution' was being infringed; that the rights of the people' were being destroyed; and passionate appeals would be made to the masses, abused, tantalized by wild hopes, and recklessly urged on by their leaders, to strike for Home Rule' and support their Parliament. A cry for separation' would be raised in Ireland, irresistible in the frenzy of the hour; and most probably a violent rising and a general outbreak of crime would take place. In either event, England would be obliged to throw her weight into the scale with effect, and the inevitable result would be a conflict, and the virtual subjugation of Ireland

once more.

The majority in the 'Home Rule' Parliament might, however, possibly, if not probably, endeavour to carry out their policy-it is avowed, recollect, by the Irish Party-by what it would deem 'constitutional' means. With this object in view it would meet the resistance of the Imperial Government to its proposed schemes of spoliation, oppression, and wrong, by refusing to vote the Irish supplies, by motions of no confidence in the Irish Executive, and by putting a stop to the whole machinery of administration throughout the island. Very probably, too, it would organize protests against the payment of the imperial taxes and the support of the army and navy in Ireland; and it would cross and thwart in every way in its power the policy of the Empire abroad and at home. In a word, it would carry on in Dublin, but on a greater scale,

Inevitable Consequences of the Concession.

21

and with the means of success incomparably more effective and dangerous, the 'obstruction' now carried on at Westminster ; and as Englishmen would not long tolerate this, the result ultimately would be the same, the subjugation of Ireland by force. Because, therefore, the concession of 'Home Rule,' and of all that is implied in it, would be plainly contrary to the only principles on which Ireland can be safely ruled; because it would do the gravest wrong to a large class of Irishmen; because it would threaten the welfare and strength of the Empire; and because, finally, as we firmly believe, it would expose Ireland to a tremendous punishment-the experiment, we contend, must not be tried, and English statesmen should declare the fact in no ambiguous or hesitating words. History, too, we must add, at least suggests that a fearless and honest policy of this kind would probably silence the audacious demand now being made by the 'Nationalist' party for the severance of the union between the two countries. The period from 1830 to 1840 was one in which disorder and violence prevailed to a frightful extent in Ireland; and one, too, in which many measures for the redress of Irish grievances were passed or proposed. These reforms tempted a great party leader, directing ignorant and excited multitudes, to make a formidable attack on the British connexion; and in 1843 the cry for 'Repeal' was louder, and backed by more force in Ireland, than has ever been the case with that of 'Home Rule.' Sir Robert Peel, however, firmly refused even to entertain an appeal on the subject, and the Repeal movement very soon collapsed, and for thirty years was not even heard of. The circumstances of the present time are no doubt different in some respects, but they are analogous in essential points. May we not therefore hope, if our rulers follow the example of their great predecessor with reference to Ireland and the Union, that similar results will probably follow; that the clamour for 'Home Rule' will ere long subside, and that Messrs. Davitt and Parnell will not succeed in a struggle in which O'Connell failed ?

Though, however, 'Home Rule' cannot be conceded in the interest of the three kingdoms alike, reforms for Ireland are still possible consistently with the above-named principles. And here we desire to make a remark to be borne in mind by political theorists. It is to be wished, certainly, that England and Ireland should possess the same institutions and laws; and ultimate identity should perhaps be aimed at. But this uniformity, as a matter of fact, has never existed through seven centuries; at this moment the institutions and laws of