paper annexed. I cannot at present understand what use I can make of it. It certainly shall not be an ungenerous one to him. If he or his counsel know how to act, I have saved him already, and really without intending it.-The facts are all literally true. Mr. Hine's place is Customer at the port of Exeter. Colonel Burgoyne received 4000l. for it. To mend the matter, the money was raised by contribution, and the subscribers quartered upon Mr. Hine. Among the rest, one Doctor Brook, a physician at Exeter, has 100%. a year out of the salary. I think you might give these particulars in your own way to the public1. As to yourself, I am convinced the ministry will not venture to attack you, they dare. not submit to such an enquiry. If they do, shew no fear, but tell them plainly you will justify, and subpæna Mr. Hine, Burgoyne, and Bradshaw of the Treasury-that will silence them at once.-As to the House of Commons there may be more danger. But even there I am fully satisfied the ministry will exert themselves to quash such an inquiry, and on the other side, you will have friends:-but they have been so grossly abused on all sides, that they will hardly begin with you.

Tell A. B. C. his paper shall be returned. I am now meditating a capital, and I hope a final piece;-you shall hear of it shortly.

No. 16.

Dec. 19, 1769.

For material affection, for God's sake read maternal; it is in the sixth paragraph3. The rest is excellently done.

/1 The facts were given to the public by JUNIUs himself, in Letter XXXIV. Vol. I. p. 187, and are indeed touched upon more than once in his subsequent letters.

• 2 He refers to the Letter to the King, JUNIUS, No. XXXV. 3 Letter to the King, JUNIUS, No. xxxv.

SIR,

No. 17.

Dec. 26, 1769.

WITH the inclosed alterations I should think our paper might appear1. As to embowelling, do whatever you think proper, provided you leave it intelligible to vulgar capacities, but would not it be the shortest way at once to print it, in an anonymous pamphlet? judge for yourself. I enter seriously into the anxiety of your situation, at the same time I am strongly inclined to think that you will not be called upon. They cannot do it without subjecting Hine's affair to an inquiry, which would be worse than death to the minister. As it is, they are more seriously stabbed with this last stroke than all the rest.-At any rate, stand firm-(I mean with all the humble appearances of contrition)-if you trim or faulter, you will lose friends without gaining others. A. B. C. has done right in publishing his letter, it defends him more effectually than all his nonsense. I believe I shall give him a lift, for I really think he has been punished infinitely beyond his merits. I doubt much whether I shall ever have the pleasure of knowing you; but if things take the turn I expect, you shall know me by my works.

C.

No. 18.

(Private)

SIR,

Jan. 12, 1770. I DESIRED A. B. C. not to write to me until I gave him notice, he must therefore blame himself, if the detention of his papers has been inconvenient to him. Pray tell him this,

1 This paper is supposed to have been totally suppressed, the alterations introduced into it, not having perhaps satisfied the Printer of his safety in publishing it, as the signal of a private communication from him to the author appeared in the P. A. of the next day.

2 The Printer was threatened by the Minister with a prosecution for publishing the letter of JUNIUS, No. XXXIII. and the court of King's Bench was actually moved on his behalf; but probably for the reason mentioned above, the threat was never executed.

and that he shall have them in a day or two. I shall also keep my promise to him1, but to do it immediately would be useless to him, and unadviseable with respect to myself. I believe you may banish your fears. The information will only be for a misdemeanour, and I am advised that no jury, especially in these times, will find it. I suspect the channel, through which you have your intelligence. It will be carried on coldly. You must not write to me again, but be assured I will never desert you. I received your letters regularly, but it was impossible to answer them sooner. You shall hear from me again shortly.

No. 19.

(Private)

SIR,

Beginning of Feb. 1770. WHEN you consider to what excessive enmities I may be exposed, you will not wonder at my caution. I really have, not known how to procure your last. If it be not of any great moment I would wish you to recall it. If it be give me a hint. If your affair should come to a trial3, and you should be found guilty, you will then let me know what expense falls particularly on yourself; for I understand you are engaged with other proprietors. Some way or other you shall be reimbursed. But seriously and boná fide, I think it is impossible.

C.

No. 20.

About Feb. 14, 1770.

I have carefully perused the information1. It is so loose and ill-drawn, that I am persuaded Mr. De Grey could not have had a hand in it. Their inserting the whole, proves they had no strong passages to fix on. I still think it will not be tried. If it should, it is not possible for a jury to find you guilty.

No. 21.

Saturday, March 17, 1770.

TO-MORROW before twelve you shall have a JUNIUS, it will be absolutely necessary that it should be published on Monday.

Would it be possible to give notice of it to-night or to*morrow, by dispersing a few hand-bills? Pray do whatever you think will answer this purpose best, for now is the crisis2.

C.

No. 22.

Sunday, March 18, 1770.

THIS letter is written wide, and I suppose will not fill two columns. For God's sake let it appear to-morrow. I hope you received my note of yesterday.

Lord Chatham is determined to go to the Hall to support the Westminster remonstrance3. I have no doubt that we shall conquer them at last.

C.

"The humble address, remonstrance, and petition of the electors of the city and liberty of Westminster, assembled in Westminster Hall the 28th day of March, 1770.

"We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the electors of the city and liberty of Westminster, having already presented our humble, but ineffectual, application to the throne, find ourselves, by the misconduct of your Majesty's ministers, in confederacy with many of our representatives, reduced to the necessity of again breaking in by our complaints upon your Majesty's repose, or of acquiescing under grievances so New and so EXORBITANT, that none but those who patiently submit to them, can deserve to suffer them.

"By the same secret and unhappy influence to which all our grievances have been originally owing, the redress of those grievances has been now prevented; and the grievances themselves have been repeatedly confirmed; with this additional circumstance of aggravation, that while the invaders of our rights remain the directors of your Majesty's councils, the defenders of those rights have been dismissed from your Majesty's service-your Majesty having been advised by your ministers to remove from his employment for his vote in Parliament, the highest officer of the law; because his principles suited ill with theirs, and his pure distribution of justice with their corrupt administration of it in the House of Commons.

"We beg leave, therefore, again to represent to your Majesty, that the House of Commons have struck at the most valuable liberties and franchises of all the electors of Great Britain; and by assuming to themselves a right of chusing, instead of receiving a member when chosen, by transferring to the representative what belonged to the constituent, they have taken off from the dignity, and, we fear, impaired the authority of Parliament itself.

"We presume again therefore humbly to implore from your Majesty, the only remedies which are any way proportioned to the nature of the evil: that you would be graciously pleased to dismiss for ever from your councils, those ministers who are ill-suited by their dispositions to preserve the principles of a free, or by their capacities to direct the councils of a great and mighty kingdom; and that by speedily dissolving the present Parliament, your Majesty will shew, by your own example, and by their dissolution, that the rights of your people are to be inviolable, and that you will never necessitate so many injured, and by such treatment exasperated subjects to continue to commit the care of their interests to those from whom they must withdraw their confidence; to repose their invaluable privileges in the hands of those who have sacrificed them; and their trust in those who have betrayed it.

"Your subjects look up with satisfaction to the powers which the constitution has vested in your Majesty-for it is upon them that they have placed their last dependance, and they trust, that the right of dissolving parliaments, which has, under former princes, so often answered the purposes of power, may under your Majesty prove an happy instrument of liberty.

"We